HasakahAt a fortified military base outside the city of Hasaka, the ARA meets with Mazloum Abdi (Kobani, 1967), commander-in-chief of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The threat of an imminent Turkish military operation on Syrian Kurdistan and Syria’s political future center the conversation.
How do you assess the current situation in the country and the threat of an imminent Turkish attack on Syrian Kurdistan?
— The Assad regime has fallen and there is a ceasefire in Syria. There is only fighting in our area due to attacks by groups supported by Turkey. Their intention is to cross the Euphrates and attack the Kurdish city of Kobani. We know that the objective of the Turkish state is to move the Kurdish people away from its border. They want to expel thousands of people to demographically change the reality on the ground.
This is ethnic cleansing.
— The Turkish state is focused on this goal. In fact, in 2019 they presented some maps to the General Assembly of the United Nations where they proposed a security zone thirty kilometers south of the border that involves expelling the Kurds. This is something they have just done in Tel Rifat and Manbij, and they want to complete it.
To calm spirits, the SDF has proposed demilitarizing the Kobani region, but attacks have continued despite the ceasefire agreed until Friday.
— The Syrian National Army (ENS) recognizes that it has no decision-making power over its movements and that we must talk to Turkey. With the mediation of the United States we have reached a four-day ceasefire agreement, but we want the truce to be indefinite. We have also proposed a permanent presence of US troops so that the Turks cannot pretend that this region is a threat.
Turkey accuses them of being the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). are they
— The PKK as an organization does not exist in Syria. Syrian Kurds do not see Öcalan as the PKK, but as a leader with an ideology they like. Yes, some PKK militiamen came to support us in the fight against Daesh. Some went back to their country, and those who remain here have a legal problem that needs to be addressed before they can leave, either to Turkey or elsewhere.
How do you assess the possibility that the Trump Administration decides to leave Syria and end its alliance?
— The first cease-fire agreement to prevent Turkey from attacking Kobani was proposed by Trump himself in 2019. In this regard, we are holding meetings with senators from his team so that his policy is again positive towards us and a similar agreement can be implemented.
Al-Julani has called for the coexistence of all Syrian communities and respect for minorities. Do you believe him?
— We received Al-Julani’s statement positively, but we must value actions and not words. We also welcome your statement regarding the return of the displaced population of Afrin. There has been no strategic dialogue with them until now because we have many open fronts in relation to the situation in Kobani and other localities. Our relationship with HTS is tactical in terms of coordination and security to avoid any confrontation. We hope to get a permanent ceasefire in the whole country and start talking to them, because now they are the central government in Damascus.
What should be the status of the Kurds in the new Syria?
— In the northeastern region of Syria we want to maintain self-government and integrate it into the future constitution of Syria. All the communities in the region must go hand in hand with Damascus to achieve this. The same goes for the Syrian Democratic Forces and the security forces, which must continue to operate in the regions where we are now present. Regarding the rights of the Kurds, their language must be respected and we must be able to administer our cities, which has been ignored for decades.
Should the Women’s Protection Forces (YPJ) be included in the future Syrian Constitution?
— The YPJ must protect its uniqueness, and I do not believe that a female police or military force will be established in Syria on a national scale. So the YPJ must protect its continuity in these regions and enjoy a special status.
The Autonomous Democratic Administration of North and Northeast Syria (AADNEES) controls many Arab-majority regions where protests have taken place in recent days. What is your proposal to maintain stability?
— On Tuesday I was in Raqqa and met with the most prominent sheikh in the region. They want to know what their place is in the future of the country. In these areas Daesh is taking advantage of the instability caused by Turkey’s attacks to sow chaos and attack our areas.
What threat does an escalation of the confrontations pose with a possible resurgence of Daesh?
— The fighting that is taking place weakens the security of the detention centers and endangers their security. We are alerting everyone to this very sensitive and important matter. The security of these centers is vulnerable because most of the guards are Kurds, specifically from Kobani. And these guards will think how to protect their families instead of protecting Daesh detainees in prisons.
Why do you think the West should support them?
— Within a united Syria, they should support our cause because the Kurds will always be an example of democratic governance. Without the Kurds, it will be impossible to achieve a democratic Syria, and therefore they must support us so that we can participate in future government formation talks.
Does he see in Israel a possible ally?
— The messages and statements of the Israelis seem to support the Kurdish cause, let’s hope this continues.
