Wenn an diesem Freitag der Parteitag der Grünen in Wiesbaden beginnt, dann ist eines auffällig: die Ballung von Wirtschaftspolitikern an der neuen Grünen-Spitze. Die designierte Parteivorsitzende Franziska Brantner ist bislang noch parlamentarische Staatssekretärin im Wirtschaftsministerium von Robert Habeck. Ihr Kollege Felix Banaszak hat im Wirtschafts- und Haushaltsausschuss des Bundestags das Geld für die Transformation der Wirtschaft beschafft, der designierte Wahlkampfmanager Andreas Audretsch als Fraktionsvize die Themen Wirtschaft und Arbeit betreut. Sven Giegold, der als stellvertretender Vorsitzender kandidiert, ist ein weiterer Parteiimport aus dem Wirtschaftsministerium.
Auf diese Häufung angesprochen, sagt Andreas Audretsch im Gespräch mit der F.A.Z.: „Wir haben das nicht geplant, aber es passt doch gut. Wie es in der Wirtschaftspolitik weitergeht, wird im Wahlkampf eine wichtige Rolle spielen.“ Dafür sei die Partei gut aufgestellt.
Tatsächlich hat sich schon vor Wochen abgezeichnet, dass die schlechte wirtschaftliche Lage Deutschlands, und was dagegen zu tun ist, im Wahlkampf ein dominierendes Thema werden dürfte. Die CDU hat das Ziel ausgegeben, „die Arbeitnehmerpartei in Deutschland zu werden“ (Friedrich Merz). Die SPD umwirbt neben den Rentnern die Beschäftigten in der Industrie. Zur Rettung der Meyer Werft reiste Kanzler Olaf Scholz im August eigens in die Montagehalle nach Papenburg. In der VW-Krise erklären etliche Sozialdemokraten Werksschließungen zum Tabu.
Unlike the personnel table, the economic policy positioning with which the Greens are going into the election campaign is not yet communicated so openly. As with so many issues, there are different opinions on this within the party from the “Realos” and the left wing as to where the focus should be. While Family Minister Lisa Paus’ basic child security is still sacred to the party left, Realo Robert Habeck dismissed the issue in the summer when he also warned his party that politics should not focus so much on social benefits but rather on “social infrastructure”. . Franziska Brantner, on the other hand, is considered an advocate of new free trade agreements, while the left wing is critical of the export orientation of the German economy.
Brantner is trying to de-escalate in the run-up to the party conference. “For me, economic and social policy go together – securing jobs is deeply social,” she says. Brantner would like to overcome the polarization between the wings, which has increased again after the party’s losses in the European elections and the state elections in East Germany. The fact that both Banaszak and Audretsch are considered moderate representatives of the left wing should help. But when representatives of the Green youth appear on talk shows with anti-capitalist slogans, this counteracts Habeck’s wooing of middle-class voters who are at odds with the Merz CDU.
What is becoming apparent is that the Greens want to play the issue of climate protection prominently in the election campaign – despite their experiences with the heating law. The party says that no one else would do it. It is hoped that this will result in positive points not only among its own core electorate, but also among former Merkel supporters. Social justice is likely to be another central theme. Under the heading “public services,” Audretsch lists “cheap train travel, affordable housing, cheap electricity.” In order to finance this, he wants to ask wealthy people to pay more. “In the middle of society there is a feeling: We work a lot while others go out,” he says.
Unlike some in the CDU, he is not thinking about recipients of citizens’ benefits. “We should talk about equity gaps in taxes. Why do real estate companies often not pay property transfer tax? Why are speculative profits from real estate sales tax-free after ten years? Why are high capital gains taxed less than income?” Billions could be gained this way.
Brantner also rates wealth inequality as “clearly too high”. “This is not only bad for those at the bottom, but also for the economy as a whole.” The Green politician argues with studies that show that societies with high levels of wealth inequality perform worse economically. Her conclusion: “It’s about ensuring that everyone makes their contribution to our common good, for example by closing tax loopholes for the rich.” But Brantner also adds another aspect that is not based on redistribution: “It’s just as important how people who currently have little can build something for themselves. For example, by improving access to education, but also making construction cheaper.”
It is clear that the Greens will call for the debt brake to be relaxed in the election campaign. They have done this – with the SPD – again and again over the past three years. The more exciting question will be how they position themselves in tax policy. A debate on financial policy is on the party conference agenda for Saturday evening. In 2013, Jürgen Trittin campaigned as the Green top candidate with the demand for a higher top tax rate, a higher inheritance tax and a tax on assets of one million euros or more, despite warnings from realists like Winfried Kretschmann. It wasn’t successful: the Greens slipped from 10.7 percent of the vote in 2009 to 8.4 percent – and still ended up behind the Left Party.
